On the heels of a deeply polarized election, Donald Trump assumed office having won the Electoral College, 306 to 232, but having lost the popular vote by over 2.8 million voters. His opponents argue that he gave voice and legitimacy to extremists, and that his unpredictable, autocratic style is a threat to both democratic ideals at home, and stability abroad. But others, including critics, argue that Trump’s election represents the will of the American people, who--hungry for change--repudiated the status quo. In their view, we must find areas of common ground to work together, because obstructionism would only deepen the political divide, and a paralyzed government would benefit no one. Should we give President Trump a chance?
Supporting Trump is an act of class protest -- not just over hard economic times, the effect of immigration on wages or the depredations of Wall Street, but also, and perhaps most of all, over lack of respect. That's something no American, with or without a college degree, will stand for.
Trump isn't opposing democracy or promising to scrap the Constitution. He isn't calling for an expansion of state power. He isn't summoning the nation's collective will to purge imaginary enemies at home or abroad.
NeverTrump Republicans may gain a disproportionate amount of air time on cable news shows, but the new breed of Republican blame-gamers deserve their own opprobrium from those who care about America’s future.
But maybe the proper analogy for Trump’s foreign policy is derived from a different game: poker. There’s a saying that there’s a patsy at every poker table. And at this poker table, Donald Trump is the one who doesn’t know who the patsy is.
Donald Trump just picked Sen. Jeff Sessions, Republican of Alabama, to be his nominee for the next Attorney General of the United States. That’s unsettling news for anyone who cares about civil rights in America.
Donald Trump scored an impressive Electoral College victory Nov. 8 after a campaign that revealed deep divisions – by race, gender and education – that were as wide and in some cases wider than in previous elections, according to an analysis of national exit poll data.
I am one of millions of Republicans who voted for Hillary Clinton because much of what I heard Donald J. Trump say on the campaign trail was nonsensical as well as hurtful to many Americans. But I take some comfort in thinking, while he will have to overcome many hurdles to be a good president, he can avoid being a bad president for two reasons
Like it or not, we Americans have a new president-elect, and it’s time to buck up. I’ve seen past elections that were regarded as the end of the world — including, in many Democratic circles, the Reagan triumph of 1980 — and the republic survived.
The economy already seems to be growing at a 3 percent annual clip. And even steadfast opponents of President-elect Trump’s economic policies would have to admit they are staunchly pro-business (with the notable exception of trade).
Mr. Trump has indeed terrified foreign leaders with his “America first” mantra, his promises to enlarge the American military and his tough talk on everything from the Islamic State to Air Force One. The good news is that his administration can turn this fear to the benefit of the United States.
The problem is this is not a normal presidency nor a president-elect whose views and judgment deserve deference. Unfortunately, the “give him a chance” sentiment readily transforms into an all-purpose rationale for turning a blind eye to early outrages and, on the right, for remarkable hypocrisy.
But even with Republicans in control of Congress, neither [Trump] nor his Cabinet of bankers, billionaires and generals will have a free hand. Resistance will come, not only in the streets but also from leaders in states and cities who are intent on making America better.
As Donald Trump prepares to take the presidential oath on Jan. 20, less than half of Americans are confident in his ability to handle an international crisis (46%), to use military force wisely (47%) or to prevent major scandals in his administration (44%).
Trump’s proposed policies grouped into three categories: those that appear to be largely in sync with American public opinion, those that are clearly out of sync and those on which the public is divided. Data is based on Gallup surveys conducted over the past year.